Wasted Honor -

Carl R. ToersBijns is the author of the Wasted Honor Trilogy [Wasted Honor I,II and Gorilla Justice] and his newest book From the Womb to the Tomb, the Tony Lester Story, which is a reflection of his life and his experiences as a correctional officer and a correctional administrator retiring with the rank of deputy warden in the New Mexico and Arizona correctional systems.

Carl also wrote a book on his combat experience in the Kindle book titled - Combat Medic - Men with destiny - A red cross of Valor -

Carl is considered by many a rogue expert in the field of prison security systems since leaving the profession. Carl has been involved in the design of many pilot programs related to mental health treatment, security threat groups, suicide prevention, and maximum custody operational plans including double bunking max inmates and enhancing security for staff. He invites you to read his books so you can understand and grasp the cultural and political implications and influences of these prisons. He deals with the emotions, the stress and anxiety as well as the realities faced working inside a prison. He deals with the occupational risks while elaborating on the psychological impact of both prison worker and prisoner.

His most recent book, Gorilla Justice, is an un-edited raw fictional version of realistic prison experiences and events through the eyes of an anecdotal translation of the inmate’s plight and suffering while enduring the harsh and toxic prison environment including solitary confinement.

Carl has been interviewed by numerous news stations and newspapers in Phoenix regarding the escape from the Kingman prison and other high profile media cases related to wrongful deaths and suicides inside prisons. His insights have been solicited by the ACLU, Amnesty International, and various other legal firms representing solitary confinement cases in California and Arizona. He is currently working on the STG Step Down program at Pelican Bay and has offered his own experience insights with the Center of Constitutional Rights lawyers and interns to establish a core program at the SHU units. He has personally corresponded and written with SHU prisoners to assess the living conditions and how it impacts their long term placement inside these type of units that are similar to those in Arizona Florence Eyman special management unit where Carl was a unit deputy warden for almost two years before his promotion to Deputy Warden of Operations in Safford and Eyman.

He is a strong advocate for the mentally ill and is a board member of David's Hope Inc. a non-profit advocacy group in Phoenix and also serves as a senior advisor for Law Enforcement Officers Advocates Council in Chino, California As a subject matter expert and corrections consultant, Carl has provided interviews and spoken on national and international radio talk shows e.g. BBC CBC Lou Show & TV shows as well as the Associated Press.

I use sarcasm, satire, parodies and other means to make you think!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Sunday, December 13, 2015

Terrorism -descibing terrorists - profiling backgrounds

Terrorism – Describing Terrorist -

Part II

Demographic studies from the 1960s and 1970s constructed a profile of the typical terrorist as a well-educated single male in his mid-twenties from a middle-class background but that has changed so much as the social classes have been mingled, mixed, destroyed or otherwise hybrid into different social categories that includes variances in race, religion, gender and ethnicity backgrounds.

It should be mentioned that the relationship between political orientations and socioeconomic factors reveal that during the 1960’s and 70’s, women are gaining more of a significant role in such acts that demonstrates their propensity to be more favored to perform terrorist acts for the left wing more so than the right wing terrorists (46.2 vs. 11.2 percent) according to tabulations performed by the FBI.

Additionally, the FBI tabulations revealed that “college completion was much more common among left- than right-wing terrorists (67.6 vs. 19.0 percent), blue-collar occupation was more frequent among right- than left-wing terrorists (74.8 vs. 24.3 percent), and there was a trend for both left- and right-wing terrorists to achieve low- to medium-income levels even if they had college education.”

The terror-related inclination to be involved in terrorism swung away from Europe in the 1980s along with a relative quiet or dormant existence of American terrorists’ groups and the advent of a rising world profile of radical Islamic terrorists.

This resulted in the recognition characteristic of the Islamic or Palestinian terrorist of that later period who was age seventeen to twenty-three, came from a large family with an impoverished background, and had low educational achievement. But the pendulum has swung again. Middle Eastern terrorists in the late 1990s and early twenty-first century come from a wider demographic range, including university students, professionals, married men in their late forties, and young women.

The most recent development, the recruitment of women as suicide bombers, arises at least in part from the fact that permits females to participate in acts of terror and actively engage in all methodologies listed as a means to fight the cause or mission.
This profile holds true today as women are listed as leaders, co-conspirators, assassins or bombers in various terrorist scenarios in the Middle East and part of Southeast Asia.

A poll conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research in 2001 among 1,357 adults in the West Bank and Gaza tested the hypothesis that poverty or low levels of education influence attitudes regarding political violence and found that support for terrorism against Israeli civilians was even more common among professionals than among laborers (43.3 vs. 34.6 percent) and more common among those with secondary education than among illiterate respondents (39.4 vs. 32.3 percent)

On the basis of unstructured interviews, American psychiatrist David Hubbard reported five traits of skyjackers:

 (1) violent, often alcoholic father

(2) deeply religious mother

(3) sexually shy, timid, and passive

(4) younger sisters toward whom the terrorist acted protectively

(5) poor social achievement.

On the matter of second-hand information, analysts have claimed to have identified nine typical characteristics of right-wing terrorists:

 (1) ambivalence toward authority

(2) defective insight

(3) adherence to convention,

(4) emotional detachment from the consequences of their actions

(5) sexual role uncertainties

6) magical thinking

(7) destructiveness

(8) low education

(9) adherence to violent subculture norms and weapons fetishes.

It is interesting that these lists, compiled a decade apart, overlap in regard to sexual role uncertainties and probably low education (if this is a proxy for poor social achievement). Yet apart from this superficial overlap, the two studies do not suggest common features of background or personality.

Neither of these studies used controls or validated psychological instruments creating somewhat subjective matter to deal with and taken with less credibility than any other empirical evidence presented for such studies. Since the tragic events of September 11, 2001, attention has shifted to the psychology of Islamic fundamentalist terrorism. There is a dearth of published literature describing psychological studies of Muslim extremists.

An analysis of this subgroup of Muslim extremist suicide bombers among the Palestinians revealed a profile of individuals described as:

·        ages seventeen to twenty-two

·        uneducated,

·        unemployed

·        unmarried

Most came from respected families that supported their activism, with 30 percent of the families of religious terrorists and 15 percent of the families of secular terrorists reporting their own radical involvement. Peer influence was cited as the major reason for joining a terrorist group, and joining increased social standing. Membership was described as being associated with a fusion of the young adult’s individual identity with the group’s collective identity and goals.

Prison experience was claimed to strengthen group commitment for most terrorists of both types. Anger and hatred without remorse were often expressed, but there was little interest in obtaining weapons of mass destruction localizing both attacks and methods used weaponry chosen to be small arms or homemade explosives.

Other data compiled of individuals identified as Muslims engaged in terrorism for the new Islamic world order revealed some fragmented childhood trauma and only a few suffered from a personality disorders or paranoia but did have histories of petty crimes committed and most were loners. One appeared to be an al Qaeda leader.

Potentially high-value data were gathered outside the academic research apparatus by United Nations (UN) relief worker Nasra Hassan, based non-scientific or control based interviews with “nearly 250” members of Hamas or Islamic Jihad conducted in Gaza between 1996 and 1999. She reports that the suicide bombers ranged in age from eighteen to thirty-eight, more than half were refugees, “many” were middle class, 2 were sons of millionaires, and none were depressed, although “many” reported that they had been beaten or tortured by Israeli forces.

Unfortunately, Hassan’s lucid and widely cited report does not specify the actual number of terrorist subjects, as well as what proportion of this total subject population were intended suicide bombers, failed suicide bombers, or trainers, and offers no specific demographic, socioeconomic, or psychological data.

Other attempts to account for the behavior of terrorists fall into two general categories: top-down approaches that seek the seeds of terrorism in political, social, economic and evolutionary circumstances bottom-up approaches that explore the characteristics of individuals and groups that turn to terrorism.

These approaches are not mutually exclusive. In fact, approaches such as rational choice theory and relative deprivation/oppression theory combine these points of view, considering interactions between circumstances and actors. While acknowledging the importance of top-down analyses and ultimate causes, this article focuses primarily on bottom-up approaches and proximal causes in sub-state terrorism. The principal approaches are organized into groups for the sake of clarity.

However, it will become apparent that conceptual overlap exists between theories within and between groups. It will also become apparent that a particular fundamental conceptual framework— such as psychoanalysis—may inform diverse theories and that the same theory may be championed from different conceptual frameworks.